At one point, Lopez slammed into a yellow cab, sending two passengers to the hospital. Later, he drove on a sidewalk before driving into a subway tunnel.
At that moment, there was concern that the truck could hit a train inside the tunnel. But Metro quickly shut off service, and it turned out there were no trains in the short tunnel, which runs through a portion of Boyle Heights. Al Martinez. But Meyer worries it could have another effect.
Twitter: lacrimes. Richard Winton is an investigative crime writer for the Los Angeles Times and part of the team that won the Pulitzer Prize for public service in Known as lacrimes on Twitter, during 25 years at The Times he also has been part of the breaking news staff that won Pulitzers in , and Colonialism, power and race.
Inside California ethnic studies classes. Meet the formerly incarcerated fire crew protecting California from wildfires. All Sections. About Us. B2B Publishing. A person may be arrested either on the strength of a warrant of arrest or when a police officer witnesses a person committing an offence or has probable cause to believe that a person was involved in the commission of a crime.
When approached by a police officer, one should remain calm. Do not flee or allow your first response to be an aggressive one. Offer your co-operation to the officer, do not resist arrest and never offer to pay a bribe. Should arrest be resisted, then reasonable force may be used by the officer to affect the arrest. You have the right to be informed of the charges on which you are being arrested.
Most importantly you have the right to remain silent, to be informed promptly of such right and the consequences of not remaining silent. Any information uttered or willingly given to an officer may be used against you in court.
You may not be compelled to make any confession or admission that could be used in evidence against you. A person further has the right to be brought before a court as soon as reasonably possible, but not later than 48 hours after the arrest. If that sounds ludicrous to you, says Eva Vaillancourt, a Ph.
For a moment, in fact, the scales of history seemed to tip toward the pedestrian. From to , car sales slumped dramatically. And in , U. But the pedestrian activists underestimated the power of motordom.
Industry tycoons and automobile clubs were gathering strength. Firestone, Ford, and the Automobile Association of America realized that to survive this public-relations disaster, they needed to change the narrative. They needed to prepare Americans for a future in which the car came first. The goal was to cure citizens of the intuitive—and factual—notion that high speeds increase danger.
They popularized a new pejorative, jaywalker. This argument——made at a time when most cars were owned by wealthy white people——had clear racist undertones.
The Automobile Club of Southern California lobbied to make jaywalking a crime. In , Los Angeles launched an experiment in enforcement. Officers who spotted a jaywalker were encouraged to draw attention to the violator by whistling, pointing, and shouting. The president of the club, E. The victory of the vehicle was complete. O n a Zoom call in February , eight months after adopting BerkDOT, the Berkeley city council voted to end police stops for all low-level traffic violations , such as expired license-plate tags or broken taillights.
The reforms direct officers to focus on obvious safety violations——such as drunk driving or stolen vehicles—and each will undergo a traffic-stop-review process to assess and correct for any evidence of bias. For the city, the vote represented meaningful progress.
But to Owens and other reformers, it fell short. That means adding medians and pedestrian spaces, slowing speed limits, and increasing options for public transit and bikes.
Safe systems work. The problem is that both automated speed cameras and civilian traffic enforcement technically violate the California vehicle code.
In May, the state legislature nixed a proposal to legalize speed cameras. Berkeley is still lobbying the state for a special exception to put transportation workers in charge of traffic oversight. Until that happens, the city could staff the new department with unarmed police officers, but it would need union buy-in for that plan. The power of the car persists: Last week, California Governor Gavin Newsom vetoed a bill to decriminalize jaywalking, citing high pedestrian-fatality rates.
In the end, Berkeley may not be the first American city to civilianize traffic enforcement. In March, a Florida lawmaker adapted that paper for a statewide proposal for civilian traffic enforcers.
The bill quickly failed in the Republican legislature, but to the BerkDOT coalition, the move was a sign that its ideas were catching.
T he coronavirus pandemic has slowed the pace of reform. But it has also helped us imagine how our roads could be transformed. On a recent clear, chilly morning, Darrell Owens stepped off a North Berkeley sidewalk and strolled down the center of the street. Without the pressure to be a conduit, a street can become a place. Owens walked to the entrance of a restaurant. A masked waiter led him to a wooden shack erected on the curbside—a parking space converted into a parklet.
Flower boxes bloomed red and yellow. As Owens ordered pancakes, he could hear the buzzing of bees. Then the traffic light turned green. An wheeler barreled by. Around him, the daisies bounced. Owens appreciates Slow Streets. But when he looks around, what he really sees are opportunities missed: to follow the model of international cities nearly free from traffic violence——such as Oslo——and ban cars from city centers. Owens tries not to get frustrated with the city. His family goes back generations in Berkeley.
Once, that trolley line stretched all the way to San Francisco.
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